People of African and Asian origins have long shared a cause in a hostile US
在充滿種族歧視的美國，亞非少數族裔一直都在做著同樣的抗爭

Helen Zia's childhood memories of events on Aug 28, 1963, have never left her. She was in Washington, DC, on a road trip with her father and a brother. "We were driving through DC on our way back home to New Jersey. I remember looking out the car window at so many black people, wearing their Sunday best clothing", recalls Zia, now long recognized as a campaigner who helped make Asian Americans aware of their rights in a nation where many viewed them with suspicion or hostility.
1963年8月28日發(fā)生的事深深印在海倫·齊亞的童年記憶中。當時她與父親和一個兄弟一起公路旅行路過華盛頓特區(qū)。齊亞回憶道：“我們在回新澤西州的路上開車穿過華盛頓特區(qū)。我記得從車窗望出去，有很多穿著得體的黑人?！饼R亞現在是一名幫助亞裔美國人維權的活動家，在這個國家，他們遭受了許多質疑或敵意。

Back then, the 11-year-old had no idea that she was witnessing the largest public protest that the United States would see in the 20th century.
當時，11歲的齊亞還不知道，她目睹了美國20世紀最大規(guī)模的公眾抗議活動。

The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, or simply the Great March on Washington as it's known today, drew a quarter of a million people onto the streets demanding civil and economic rights for black Americans.
在華盛頓舉行的爭取就業(yè)和自由游行（如今所說的“華盛頓大游行”）吸引了25萬人走上街頭，為美國黑人爭取公民權和經濟權。

In the crowd, which extended from the national capital's Lincoln Memorial all the way to the Washington Monument and beyond, were Horace Sheffield Jr, a rising black union leader, and his 9-year-old son Horace Sheffield III. The younger Sheffield is now the executive director of the Detroit Association of Black Organizations, which was set up by his father in 1979 to consolidate the city's groups representing black civil rights struggles.
游行隊伍從林肯紀念堂一直排到華盛頓紀念碑等地，一個初露頭角的黑人工會領袖小霍勒斯·謝菲爾德和他9歲的兒子霍勒斯·謝菲爾德三世也在游行隊伍中。謝菲爾德三世現任底特律黑人組織協(xié)會執(zhí)行董事，該協(xié)會由其父在1979年成立，旨在團結底特律代表黑人民權斗爭的團體。

"A great unifier" was how Zia, the daughter of Chinese immigrant parents, called the old man, whom she approached exactly two decades after the historic march, in 1983. The previous year, a 27-year-old Chinese American named Vincent Chin was bludgeoned to death in the industrial city by two baseball bat-wielding white autoworkers who reportedly had shouted to him: "It's because of you mother******* we are out of a job!" The abuse hurled at Chin conflated his Asian appearance with a topical issue of the time－the devastating impact the ascendant Japanese car industry was having on the country's "Motor City".
齊亞稱小霍勒斯·謝菲爾德是“一位偉大的團結者”。齊亞的父母是中國移民。1983年，在“華盛頓大游行”發(fā)生整整20年后，齊亞接觸到了這位老人。底特律一名27歲的華裔美國人文森特·秦被兩名白人汽車工人用棒球棒打死，據報道，他們對他大喊：“因為你，我們失業(yè)了！”這兩名男子對其高聲辱罵是因為將秦的亞裔面孔與當時的一個熱門話題聯系在一起，即崛起的日本汽車工業(yè)對美國“汽車城”底特律的毀滅性沖擊。

After pleading guilty to manslaughter, the two men were sentenced to three years' probation and a $3,000 fine by a county judge who saw no racial motivation in the killing. With the killers never seeing a prison cell, a group of mostly young people quickly came together to form the American Citizens for Justice, the first explicitly pan-Asian grassroots community advocacy group with a national scope. Zia was its press secretary.
一名鎮(zhèn)法官以過失殺人罪對兩名男子判處緩刑三年，3000美元罰款，該法官認為兩人沒有種族主義殺人動機。由于兇手沒有受到嚴懲，一群年輕人很快聚集在一起，組成了美國公民正義組織，這是第一個明確的全國范圍的泛亞洲平民群體倡議組織。齊亞是該組織的新聞發(fā)言人。

"We immediately reached out to Detroit's black community, within which there's a deep understanding of what racism meant in America and for which Sheffield Jr was a godfather figure," she said. "A generation older, he came to our meetings where we made it very clear that this was not just about Asian Americans. He opened many doors for us, including to the powerful United Auto Workers union where part of the anti-Asian hate originated as a result of the huge layoffs from the production lines."
齊亞說：“我們立即聯系了底特律的黑人團體，他們對美國的種族歧視有著深刻的理解，小謝菲爾德是他們的領袖。他比我們年長一代，他參加了我們的會議，我們在會上明確表示，這不僅僅是亞裔美國人的問題。他為我們打開了許多方便之門，包括勢力龐大的美國汽車工人聯合會。由于汽車生產線的大規(guī)模裁員，部分反亞裔仇恨源自該工會。”

One of the questions raised during the encounters was whether Asian Americans had experienced genuine racism. "Those who thought Asian Americans had no legitimate place in the discussion of racism knew no history," said Horace Sheffield III, who recalled how his great-grandmother was freed from slavery at the age of 12 and how his grandparents, in fear of violence, fled Georgia in a Detroit-bound train.
這次會面中提出的問題之一是亞裔美國人是否經歷過真正的種族歧視?；衾账埂ぶx菲爾德三世稱：“那些認為亞裔美國人在種族問題中沒有發(fā)言權的人不了解歷史。”他回憶起他的曾祖母在12歲時從奴隸制中解放出來，他的祖父母因躲避暴力而乘坐火車從佐治亞州逃到底特律。

For him, the parallels are remarkable. After the US made it illegal to import enslaved people from Africa in 1808, hundreds of thousands of indentured workers－"surrogate slaves" as Zia would call them－were brought in, sometimes forcibly, from Asia. Most came from China and India. During the ensuing "driving out" period, Chinese immigrants, seen as threatening to the white-dominated social order as the newly freed slaves, were subjected to massacres and lynching all too familiar to black people. By the time the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act was passed to prevent－for the only time in US history－all members of a specific ethnic or national group from entering the country, what's known as the Jim Crow laws were being implemented in the southern states to enforce racial segregation. In practice, this meant Asians and black people were often lumped together.
對他來說，黑人和亞洲人在美國的遭遇驚人地相似。1808年，美國宣布購買非奴違法之后，開始從亞洲引進數十萬勞工，齊亞稱之為“奴隸代替者”。他們大多數來自中國和印度，有些人是被迫的。在隨后的“排華浪潮”中，作為新解放的奴隸，中國移民被視為對白人主導的社會秩序構成威脅，遭到了屠殺和私刑，這些經歷也是黑人所熟悉的。1882年，美國通過了《排華法案》，這是美國歷史上唯一通過的防止某一特定族裔或族群的所有成員入境的法案。此時，美國南方各州正在實施所謂的《吉姆·克勞法》，強制實行種族隔離制度。這說明亞洲人和黑人實際上往往是站在一條船上。

"We were both victimized, racialized and criminalized throughout US history, the whipping boys and girls of the American society," said Horace Sheffield III.
霍勒斯·謝菲爾德三世稱：“在美國歷史上，我們都是受害者，都遭遇了種族歧視，都被視為罪犯，都是美國社會的替罪羊?！?/p>

Yet during her appearance on a popular African-American radio talk show, Zia was forced to confront the anti-black racism within her own community, and to explain why Asian Americans weren't simply trying to "ride the coattails" of African Americans. "We acknowledged very frankly the need to educate our community members on blacks' contribution to alleviating our pain," said Zia. "When the Chinese Exclusion Act was passed in 1882, a hundred years before the killing of Chin, one of its most vociferous denouncers was the great black American leader and abolitionist Frederick Douglass. And most of the Chinese immigrants who came after 1965 didn't know that they owed their very presence in this country to the black civil rights movement: both the Civil Rights Act and the Immigration and Nationality Act－the latter rendered the Chinese Exclusion Act obsolete－were passed within two years of the March on Washington.
然而，齊亞在出席一檔流行的非裔美國人電臺脫口秀節(jié)目時，不得不反駁亞裔群體內的反黑人種族主義，并解釋為什么亞裔美國人不只是試圖“搭非裔美國人的便車”。齊亞說：“我們非常坦率地承認，有必要通過教育讓亞裔群體了解黑人對減少亞裔遭受的苦難所作的貢獻。1882年《排華法案》通過時，也就是秦被殺害的100年前，對該法案進行最激烈譴責的人之一是偉大的美國黑人領袖兼廢奴主義者弗雷德里克·道格拉斯。而1965年之后，大多數華裔移民并不知道他們能在美國生活完全歸功于黑人民權運動：在“華盛頓大游行”的兩年后，美國通過了《民權法》和《移民與國籍法》，后者使《排華法案》失效。

"To those who asked where we were when the blacks were facing down police dogs and fire hoses, my answer was: 'We were there, we are there, we will be there'."
“有人問當黑人面對警犬和高壓水槍時，亞裔在哪里，我的回答是：‘我們當時和你們站在一起，現在也站在一起，將來仍會站在一起?！?/p>

Changes needed
需要變革

One person she had in mind was Grace Lee Boggs (1915-2015) who, two decades before Zia the former student activist from Princeton University came to Detroit to "learn what it meant to be an American in America's heartland", arrived at the burgeoning industrial city with her black political activist husband James Boggs.
有一個人讓齊亞記憶深刻，那就是陳玉平（1915-2015）。齊亞曾是普林斯頓大學的學生活動家，在她來到底特律“了解在美國內陸城市做一個美國人意味著什么”的20年之前，陳玉平與她的黑人政治活動家丈夫詹姆斯·博格斯一起來到了這座新興工業(yè)城市。

"Politics of the time said Detroit is where the workers are. That's where you need to be," the daughter of a rich immigrant Chinese restaurateur told Korean-American documentary filmmaker Grace Lee, who was initially drawn to her story by their identical names.
陳玉平家境富裕，是一家餐館老板的女兒，她告訴韓裔美籍紀錄片制片人格雷斯·李，“當時的政治宣傳說，底特律是工人的大本營。那里就是你要去的地方”。格雷斯·李最初被她的故事吸引是因為她們相同的英文名（Grace Lee）。

On the front page of her autobiography Living For Change, Grace Lee Boggs, recognized as a national Black Power figure of her time, wrote: "Had I not been born female and Chinese American, I would not have realized from early on that fundamental changes were necessary in society."
陳玉平是她所在時代美國公認的黑人運動領袖，她在自傳《為變革而生活》的封面寫道：“如果我不是出生在美國的華裔女性，我從一開始就不會意識到社會需要徹底的變革。”

Back in the 1940s, it was her inability as a PhD-holding "Oriental" to land a decent job that led the young Grace Lee to live in a rat-infested basement in Chicago, which in turn brought her into contact with the black community for the first time. Later coming back home from her honeymoon with James Boggs, the couple had to sleep in their car since most motels refused to let black people in.
在20世紀40年代，獲得博士學位的陳玉平卻因為“東方人”的身份無法找到一份體面的工作，年輕的她不得不住在芝加哥一個老鼠出沒的地下室里，這也讓她第一次接觸到了黑人群體。在與詹姆斯·博格斯度完蜜月回家時，這對夫婦不得不睡在車里，因為大多數汽車旅館都拒絕黑人入住。

United in love and struggle, the two went on to co-author many articles on the black movement and help found the all-Black Freedom Now Party in the 1960s, with Lee being its only nonblack member. Two months before Martin Luther King Jr made his iconic "I Have a Dream" speech during the 1963 March on Washington, he led 125,000 people down Woodward Avenue in Detroit and talked about his dream of "one day right here in Detroit". Grace and James Boggs were among the organizers of the event.
愛情和反歧視斗爭讓兩個人緊密團結，共同撰寫了許多關于黑人運動的文章，并在20世紀60年代幫助成立了全黑人黨派自由黨，陳玉平是該黨唯一的非黑人成員。在1963年華盛頓大游行期間，小馬丁·路德·金發(fā)表了其標志性演講《我有一個夢想》，而兩個月前，他帶領12.5萬人走上底特律的伍德沃德大道，暢談他夢想中“在底特律生活的一天”。陳玉平夫婦正是這次活動的組織者之一。

"I think she came to the African-American community and movement because it spoke to her as being both anti-capitalist and anti-racist while embracing the full humanity of a people," said Grace Lee the filmmaker. "One black Detroiter told me that people were so accepting of Grace because she had brought her intellect, energy and organizing skills with her into the community at a time when black people were not seen as fully human and locked out of basic rights."
電影制片人格雷斯·李稱：“我認為她加入非裔美國人團體，參與他們的運動，是因為這對她來說既是反資本主義又是反種族主義，同時又擁抱了一個民族的全部人性。一位生活在底特律的黑人告訴我，陳玉平之所以廣受認可，是因為她將自己的智慧、精力和組織能力帶到了黑人群體中，而當時黑人還沒有被視為完整的人，被排除在基本權利之外。”

In Lee's 2014 documentary American Revolutionary: The Evolution of Grace Lee Boggs, the protagonist reflected on her early political activism: "I didn't think myself so much as Chinese American … because the Chinese (Asian) American movement hadn't emerged."
格雷斯·李的紀錄片《美國革命家：陳玉平的演進》于2014年上映，在紀錄片中，陳玉平反思了她早期的政治激進主義，“我曾經不認為自己是華裔美國人……因為華裔（亞裔）美國人運動還沒有出現?！?/p>

Yet far-reaching societal change was already afoot. By the end of the 1960s, anti-Vietnam War protests had rocked the US. Considered a fundamentally racist war by both black and Asian communities for the high death rate of black soldiers on the battlefield and the US imperialism it embodied, the war saw Zia joining her fellow high school students in walkouts and Horace Sheffield III chanting anti-war slogans in Detroit's Kennedy Square. The latter saw "people I grew up with on my block coming back in body bags".
然而，影響深遠的社會變革已經開始。到20世紀60年代末，反越戰(zhàn)抗議活動震撼全美。由于黑人士兵在戰(zhàn)場上的死亡率極高，以及戰(zhàn)爭暴露出美國的帝國主義本質，黑人和亞裔群體都認為這場戰(zhàn)爭本質上是一場種族主義戰(zhàn)爭。越戰(zhàn)期間，齊亞和她的高中同學一起抗議，霍勒斯·謝菲爾德三世在底特律肯尼迪廣場高呼反戰(zhàn)口號。謝菲爾德三世稱，他看到“和自己在一個街區(qū)長大的人被裝在尸袋里帶回來”。

"Young people were rising up globally," said Zia, pointing to the revolutions that had swept across Asia, Africa and Latin America. In 1955, Indonesia hosted the Bandung Conference, where representatives from 29 governments of Asian and African nations including the People's Republic of China gathered to discuss matters of common concern, decolonization and economic development.
齊亞說：“年輕人正在全球崛起?！彼傅氖窍韥喎抢母锩?。1955年，印度尼西亞主辦了萬隆會議，來自包括中國在內的29個亞非國家政府代表聚在一起，討論非殖民化、經濟發(fā)展以及其他共同關心的問題。

"At the time, China talked about support for African countries in a way that resonated with the black people in America. And it had an impact on our community," said Zia.
齊亞說：“當時，中國表示支持非洲國家的言論引起了美國黑人的共鳴。這對亞裔產生了影響?！?/p>

Nowhere else was this impact more palpably felt than on the US West Coast, the landing place for most Chinese immigrants since the early 19th century. Between late 1968 and the first half of 1969, The Third World Liberation Front, a coalition of student groups representing black, Asian and Latin Americans, staged monthslong strikes on college campuses in California. These actions resulted in hundreds of arrests and, ultimately, more admissions for students from racial minorities and the establishment of ethnic studies in US universities.
在美國西海岸，這種影響最為明顯，自19世紀初以來，這里一直是大多數中國移民的登陸地。1968年末至1969年上半年，第三世界解放陣線在加利福尼亞大學校園進行了長達數月的罷課，該組織是一個代表黑人、亞裔和拉丁美洲學生團體的聯盟?？棺h行動中數百人被捕，最終使得更多少數族裔學生獲得入學資格，并使美國大學設立了族裔研究。

Continuing efforts
持續(xù)不斷的努力

During the buildup to the strike, the Asian American Political Alliance was founded at the University of California, Berkeley, giving birth to a new political and demographic category－"Asian Americans".
在罷課期間，亞裔美國人政治聯盟在加州大學伯克利分校成立，一個新的政治和人口類別——“亞裔美國人”從此誕生了。

"For Asians and blacks in America, it was the beginning of a continuing effort to reconstruct and reclaim lost history," said Tomie Arai, a New York-based third-generation Japanese-American artist who was commissioned in the 1990s by a committee of African-American leaders to create a mural memorializing the discovery of an African burial ground dating to the 18th century. It was unearthed during the construction of a federal government building in Lower Manhattan.
紐約第三代日裔移民藝術家富江荒井（音譯）稱：“對美國的亞裔和非裔來說，這是不斷努力重建和恢復他們失去的歷史的開始?！被木?0世紀90年代受一個非裔美國人領導者委員會的委托，創(chuàng)作了一幅壁畫，紀念18世紀非洲墓地的發(fā)現。該墓地是在曼哈頓下城建造一座聯邦政府大樓的過程中被發(fā)掘的。

"The discovery is only part of a much larger burial ground where an estimated 20,000 remains of enslaved Africans lie, almost half of them children," said Arai. "When I researched for the project, there was very little written about slavery in New York, a city largely built by slave labor."
荒井說：“被發(fā)現的只是巨大的墓地的一部分，據估計，這里埋葬著20000具被奴役的非洲人遺骸，其中幾乎一半是兒童。當我進行項目調研時，很少看到關于紐約奴隸制的文章，而紐約主要由奴隸勞工建造?！?/p>

The commissioning of the mural came two decades after Arai and her Chinese-American husband got arrested during the 1974 Confucius Plaza protest in Manhattan Chinatown. The event saw African-American construction workers join their Asian-American counterparts to demand an end to discriminatory hiring practices in the industry.
在開始創(chuàng)作這幅壁畫的20年前，1974年，荒井和她的美籍華裔丈夫在曼哈頓唐人街孔子廣場抗議活動中被捕。在這次活動中，非裔美國建筑工人與亞裔美國工人一起要求停止建筑行業(yè)的歧視性雇傭做法。

Producing publicity materials for the milestone protest was New York's Basement Workshop, a center for the city's pan-Asian political and arts movement in the 1970s and 80s. Its members, including Arai, collaborated with black artists, writers and activists in developing community work and engaging in distinctive artistic expression.
紐約的地下室工作坊為這場里程碑式的抗議活動制作了宣傳材料，這里是紐約20世紀70年代和80年代泛亞政治和藝術運動的中心。包括荒井在內的成員與黑人藝術家、作家和活動家合作開展群體工作，并參與獨特的藝術表達。

"What's often missing in the discussion of solidarity is beauty… Artists can bring it out while bearing witness to the experiences of others," said Arai, who as a teenager rode the subway daily through New York's Harlem to her art school. In 1964, after an African-American boy was shot and killed by a white police officer, a riot broke out in the black neighborhood that served as a center of a major African-American cultural resurgence in the 1920s and 30s.
荒井說：“人們在呼吁團結時經常缺少美感……藝術家可以在見證他人經歷的同時展現美?！被木畮讱q時每天都要坐地鐵穿過紐約哈萊姆區(qū)去藝術學校。1964年，一名非裔美國男孩被一名白人警官槍殺后，這里的黑人社區(qū)爆發(fā)了一場騷亂，使這里成為20世紀二三十年代非裔美國人文化復興的中心。

"The anger and resistance of the black community was very much a part of my growing up," Arai said.
荒井說：“在很大程度上，黑人群體的憤怒和反抗伴隨了我的成長?！?/p>

The same anger had coursed through Arai's own family. At the beginning of the 20th century, right before an agreement between the US and Japan halted the flow of Japanese laborers to the US, Arai's great-grandfather arrived in San Francisco. Toiling for years as a tenant farmer, the old man's hope of one day purchasing his own farm was dashed by the 1920 California Alien Land Law, which prohibited the Japanese from owning property.
同樣的憤怒也在荒井的家中蔓延。20世紀初，就在美日達成協(xié)議阻止日本勞動力流向美國之前，荒井的曾祖父來到了舊金山。這位老人作為佃農辛苦勞作多年，希望有朝一日能購買自己的農場，但1920年加利福尼亞州的《外國人土地法》禁止日本人擁有不動產，老人的希望破滅了。

One of six siblings, Arai's father grew up attending segregated schools with black and Latino and fellow Asian students－school segregation in California lasted for over 100 years and didn't end until 1947.After Japan's bombing of Pearl Harbor during World War II, Arai's father, who was drafted into the US Army, was banned from visiting his family detained in Japanese internment camps on the order of president Franklin Roosevelt.
荒井的父親有五個兄弟姐妹，他在亞非拉裔種族隔離學校長大。加州的校園種族隔離制度持續(xù)了100多年，直到1947年才結束。二戰(zhàn)期間日本轟炸珍珠港后，荒井的父親被征召入伍，根據羅斯?？偨y(tǒng)的命令，他被禁止探望被關押在日本拘留營的家人。

"My father was so embittered that postwar, he refused to return to California and settled instead in New York," said Arai, who grew up within the city's small but closely knit Japanese community and went to school with the children of Yuri Kochiyama (1921-2014), who together with Grace Lee Boggs are seen as the two most prominent Asian-American civil rights activists of their generation.
荒井說：“我父親非常痛苦，戰(zhàn)后他拒絕返回加利福尼亞，而是在紐約定居?！被木诩~約規(guī)模雖小但聯系緊密的日本社區(qū)中長大，與河內山百合（1921年-2014年）的孩子一起上學。河內山百合和陳玉平是公認的那個年代最杰出的亞裔美國民權活動家。

With her own father investigated and detained after the Pearl Harbor attack, and his death coming the day after his release, Kochiyama made it her life's mission to fight against what she saw as the unlawful incarceration of peoples of color, especially black people. After president Ronald Reagan signed a law to provide financial compensation to Japanese-American internment survivors in 1988, Kochiyama used this victory to advocate for reparations for African Americans.
在日本偷襲珍珠港事件后，河內山的父親被調查并拘留，并在獲釋后的第二天就去世了。因此，河內山把打擊非法監(jiān)禁有色人種，特別是黑人作為她的畢生使命。1988年，里根總統(tǒng)簽署了一項法律，向日裔美國人的拘留幸存者提供經濟賠償。此后，河內山利用這一勝利為非裔美國人爭取賠償。

'Build bridges, not walls'
“搭橋而不是筑墻”

"Yuri bounded people in struggle and in family," said Arai, pointing to her own son-in-law, Yuri's multiracial grandson who was the result of a marriage between Yuri's oldest daughter and a black civil rights activist.
荒井說：“河內山把人們約束在斗爭和家庭中?！彼傅氖亲约旱呐?，河內山百合的混血外孫，他是河內山的大女兒和一名黑人民權活動家的孩子。

"Grand Central Station" was how friends dubbed Kochiyama's Harlem home, an open-door center of activism that Zia had visited to find someone living her own motto: "To build bridges, not walls".
朋友們稱河內山的家為“中央火車站”，是對各種主義敞開大門的中心，齊亞曾到過這里，發(fā)現有人奉行自己的座右銘：“搭橋而不是筑墻”。

In the 1980s, with the persistent efforts of the Asian-American and African-American communities in Detroit, Vincent Chin's tragic death finally garnered wide national attention. The killers were indicted by a federal grand jury, tried for violation of Chin's civil rights, and convicted, but eventually acquitted. Earlier this year, to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the event which catapulted the Asian-American movement to a postwar high, Zia got together with Horace Sheffield III, who recalled how his late father told him that "the best way to get other people to join forces with you is to come to their rescue".
20世紀80年代，在底特律亞裔美國人和非裔美國人群體的不懈努力下，文森特·秦的悲慘逝世終于引起全美廣泛關注。兇手被聯邦大陪審團起訴，因侵犯秦的公民權而受審，并被定罪，但最終無罪釋放。今年早些時候，為了紀念這一將亞裔美國人運動在二戰(zhàn)后推向高潮的事件40周年，齊亞與霍勒斯·謝菲爾德三世聚在一起，謝菲爾德回憶起已故父親告訴他“讓其他人加入你的行列的最佳方式是拯救他們”。

Arai learned that in 1963. A 14-year-old attending summer camp, she helped paint signs for older campers who were to board buses to join the March on Washington, where that 9-year-old Horace Sheffield III, whose father had formed a friendship with Martin Luther King Jr, was selling buttons to marchers. One of those memorial buttons from that day is now in Arai's keeping, proof that "I was there in spirit".
1963年，荒井得知了這件事。當時她是一個14歲的女孩，參加夏令營的她幫助年長的露營者畫了標志，這些露營者將登上巴士參加華盛頓大游行?；衾账埂ぶx菲爾德三世向游行者出售紐扣，而他的父親與小馬丁·路德·金在游行中建立了友誼?；木F在還保留著那天的一枚紀念鈕扣，證明“我當時在精神上與他們同在”。

Reflecting on the long and tortuous history of Asian-black solidarity, with its own highs and lows, Horace Sheffield III turned to King, the visionary giant who had mesmerized him and who cited Mahatma Gandhi, that "little brown man" from Asia, as the ultimate inspiration for his nonviolent struggles.
霍勒斯·謝菲爾德三世回顧了亞裔美國人和非裔美國人團結斗爭的漫長而曲折的歷史，這段歷史有高潮和低谷。他被小馬丁·路德·金深深吸引，追隨這位有遠見的巨人。金從亞洲的“棕色皮膚小個子”圣雄甘地那里受到啟發(fā)，發(fā)起了非暴力不合作運動。

"We must live together as brothers or perish together as fools," King said.
金說：“我們必須像兄弟一樣生活在一起，否則就會像傻瓜一樣一同滅亡。”

來源：中國日報
記者：ZHAO XU
編輯：董靜