特朗普政府正在與全世界打貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)。許多人認(rèn)為，特朗普及其貿(mào)易政策團(tuán)隊(duì)是一批極端貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義者，他們身處21世紀(jì)，但思維仍停留在19世紀(jì)。在過(guò)時(shí)貿(mào)易理念的驅(qū)使下，他們過(guò)份強(qiáng)調(diào)貿(mào)易的不平衡，與全世界各主要貿(mào)易伙伴大打貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)，搞亂了全球貿(mào)易秩序。

The Trump administration is engaged in a trade war with the whole world. Many people think that Trump and his trade policy team are a group of extreme trade protectionists whose bodies have entered the 21st century, but whose thoughts are still in the 19th century. Driven by outdated trade concepts, they over-emphasize trade imbalances and launch trade wars with major trading partners around the world, bringing chaos to the global trade order.

特朗普政府指責(zé)中國(guó)采取不公平貿(mào)易政策，指控中國(guó)占美國(guó)的便宜，迫使美國(guó)公司向本國(guó)企業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)讓技術(shù)，剽竊美國(guó)的知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)，并懷疑在美留學(xué)的中國(guó)學(xué)生和學(xué)者收集技術(shù)情報(bào)。這些毫無(wú)根據(jù)的看法正在妖魔化中國(guó)，煽動(dòng)美國(guó)公眾對(duì)中國(guó)的負(fù)面情緒，從而加深了兩國(guó)人民之間的敵意。

The Trump administration accuses China of unfair trade policies. China is accused of taking advantage of the US, forcing US companies to transfer technology to local companies, stealing US intellectual property rights, and Chinese students and scholars studying in the US are supposedly collectors of technical intelligence. These unfounded views are demonizing China, fanning the negative sentiment of China amongst the American public, and as a result, deepening the hostility between the two peoples.

我認(rèn)為現(xiàn)在的當(dāng)務(wù)之急是讓兩國(guó)人民，尤其是美國(guó)人民了解中美貿(mào)易的真相。

I believe that what is urgent now is to let the people of both countries, especially the United States, understand the truth about China-US trade.

首先，中美貿(mào)易是自由和公平的。雖然作為一個(gè)發(fā)展中國(guó)家，中國(guó)的關(guān)稅高于美國(guó)，但它的關(guān)稅低于許多發(fā)展中國(guó)家，包括印度。中國(guó)并沒(méi)有強(qiáng)迫人們購(gòu)買(mǎi)中國(guó)產(chǎn)品，美國(guó)進(jìn)口商也并不愚蠢。中國(guó)的進(jìn)口產(chǎn)品有助于多年來(lái)收入增長(zhǎng)緩慢的美國(guó)中產(chǎn)階級(jí)，使他們以同樣收入買(mǎi)到更多商品。2017年中國(guó)出口的增長(zhǎng)，恰恰是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)強(qiáng)勁和消費(fèi)者信心增加的結(jié)果。

First of all, China-US trade is free and fair. Although China as a developing country has higher tariffs than the US, it has lower tariffs than many developing countries, including India. China is not forcing people to buy from it, and US importers are not stupid. China's imports have helped the US middle class, which have experienced slow income growth for years, to buy more goods with the same income. The increase in Chinese exports in 2017 is precisely the result of strong US growth and increased consumer confidence.

第二，2001年加入WTO后，中國(guó)市場(chǎng)基本上是開(kāi)放的。中國(guó)是美國(guó)出口增長(zhǎng)最快的市場(chǎng)，如果中國(guó)市場(chǎng)不開(kāi)放，就不可能有56％的美國(guó)大豆、26％的波音飛機(jī)和16％的美國(guó)汽車(chē)出口到中國(guó)。

Second, China's market is basically open after its accession to the WTO in 2001. China is the fastest growing market for US exports. If the Chinese market is not open, it is impossible to see 56% of US soybean exports, 26% of Boeing aircraft, and 16% of US automobiles exported to China.

第三，美國(guó)的出口管制是增加對(duì)華出口的障礙。與其他一些發(fā)展中國(guó)家一樣，中國(guó)的比較優(yōu)勢(shì)是勞動(dòng)力成本較低，而美國(guó)的比較優(yōu)勢(shì)在于資本、技術(shù)和土地。在這種差異的推動(dòng)下，中國(guó)向美國(guó)出口勞動(dòng)密集型產(chǎn)品，美國(guó)則向中國(guó)出口技術(shù)產(chǎn)品和農(nóng)產(chǎn)品。正如美國(guó)中國(guó)商會(huì)所抱怨的，美國(guó)的出口管制政策比歐洲（特別是德國(guó)）和日本更嚴(yán)格，它限制了美國(guó)的對(duì)華出口。美國(guó)的出口管制對(duì)貿(mào)易逆差也應(yīng)該負(fù)有一定責(zé)任。

Third, US export controls are a barrier to more exports to China. Like some other developing countries, China's comparative advantage lies in cheaper labor. America's comparative advantage lies in capital, technology, and land. Driven by this difference, China exports labor-intensive products to America, and the US exports technology products and agricultural products to China. As the US Chamber of Commerce in China complains, the US export control policies are stricter than those of Europe (especially Germany) and Japan, limiting US exports to China. US export controls should take part of the responsibility for the trade deficit.

第四，美中貿(mào)易是全球供應(yīng)鏈的組成部分。雖然全球化給各國(guó)帶來(lái)了財(cái)富和增長(zhǎng)，但它并沒(méi)有改變富國(guó)和窮國(guó)之間的分工。實(shí)際上，美國(guó)處于供應(yīng)鏈的高端，而中國(guó)處于供應(yīng)鏈的低端。蘋(píng)果手機(jī)就是最典型的例子。幾乎所有蘋(píng)果手機(jī)都在中國(guó)組裝，但中國(guó)工人和工廠(chǎng)只獲得5％的附加值（主要是勞動(dòng)力成本），而蘋(píng)果的設(shè)計(jì)、品牌和銷(xiāo)售拿走附加值的近60％，蘋(píng)果的美國(guó)投資者分享了這些利潤(rùn)。然而，作為蘋(píng)果手機(jī)組裝的最后一環(huán)，中國(guó)必須承擔(dān)蘋(píng)果公司出口到美國(guó)的全部?jī)r(jià)值。不同的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家認(rèn)為，全球供應(yīng)鏈把中國(guó)對(duì)美國(guó)的出口夸大了40%到60%。

Fourth, US-China trade takes place within the global supply chain. While globalization has brought wealth and growth to countries, it has not changed the division of labor between the rich and the poor nations. In reality, the US is at the high end of the supply chain, while China is at the low end of the supply chain. Apple's iPhone is the most typical example. Almost all iPhones are assembled in China, but Chinese workers and factories only receive 5% value added (mainly labor costs), and Apple's design, branding, and sales account for nearly 60% of the value added, and American investors from Apple share these profits. However, as the final assembly point of the iPhone, China has to bear the entire value of all Apple exports to the US. The global supply chain exaggerates China's exports to the United States by as much as 40-60%, according to different economists.

第五，特朗普和其他保護(hù)主義者只強(qiáng)調(diào)中美商品貿(mào)易逆差，而故意忽視美國(guó)在服務(wù)貿(mào)易中對(duì)中國(guó)的順差。例如，據(jù)中國(guó)的統(tǒng)計(jì)，2017年美國(guó)對(duì)華服務(wù)貿(mào)易順差高達(dá)541億美元，如果采用美國(guó)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，2017年美國(guó)對(duì)華服務(wù)貿(mào)易順差總額超過(guò)900億美元。美國(guó)從中國(guó)游客和學(xué)生，以及從對(duì)中國(guó)的出口版權(quán)和專(zhuān)利那里獲得了大量好處。

Fifth, Trump and other protectionists only emphasize the Sino-US trade deficit in goods, but they deliberately ignore the US surplus with China in service trade. For example, according to Chinese statistics, the US service trade surplus with China in 2017 was as high as $54.1 billion; if the US standard applies, the total US service trade surplus with China in 2017 would exceed $90 billion. The US has gained a lot of benefits from Chinese tourists and students, and from exporting copyrights and patents to China.

第六，貿(mào)易保護(hù)主義者故意忽視的另一點(diǎn)是，在華投資的美國(guó)公司銷(xiāo)售額已超過(guò)5000億美元。它們不僅從快速增長(zhǎng)的中國(guó)市場(chǎng)獲取巨額利潤(rùn)，還導(dǎo)致美國(guó)零部件以及知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)出口到中國(guó)，這反過(guò)來(lái)也促進(jìn)了美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長(zhǎng)。

Sixth, another thing trade protectionists deliberately ignore is that the sales of US companies investing in China have surpassed $500 billion. They not only make huge profits from the fast-growing Chinese market, they also lead to the export of US parts and components as well as intellectual property rights to China, which in turn promotes growth in the US economy.

第七，最新數(shù)據(jù)反駁了對(duì)中國(guó)所謂“盜竊知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)”的指責(zé)。雖然知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)制度起步較晚（始于上世紀(jì)90年代初），但中國(guó)已經(jīng)建立了相對(duì)完整的知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)法律保護(hù)制度，包括設(shè)立知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)法院和專(zhuān)門(mén)的司法機(jī)構(gòu)，對(duì)知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)的保護(hù)明顯已經(jīng)生效。例如，2017年中國(guó)對(duì)外支付知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)費(fèi)用達(dá)到286億美元，比2001年加入WTO的時(shí)候增加了15倍。而美國(guó)知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)所有者是最大的受益人。

Seventh, the latest data refutes the accusations about China's so-called “theft of intellectual property rights”. Although the system of intellectual property rights started late (since the early 1990s), China has established a relatively complete intellectual property legal protection system, including the establishment of intellectual property courts and specialized judicial institutions, and the protection of IP rights has clearly taken effect. For example, in 2017, China's external payment of intellectual property fees reached $28.6 billion, a 15-fold increase over the time when it joined the WTO in 2001. US intellectual property owners are the biggest beneficiaries.

第八，至于所謂中國(guó)“強(qiáng)制技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)讓”問(wèn)題，并沒(méi)有證據(jù)表明中國(guó)政府有法律或法規(guī)對(duì)外國(guó)投資企業(yè)實(shí)施這一要求，中國(guó)也沒(méi)有對(duì)美國(guó)企業(yè)強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行技術(shù)轉(zhuǎn)讓。美國(guó)汽車(chē)業(yè)在中國(guó)市場(chǎng)的巨大成功表明，中美合資企業(yè)的主要基礎(chǔ)是自愿的契約行為。通用汽車(chē)和福特通過(guò)合資企業(yè)向中國(guó)出口了大量汽車(chē)和零部件，已經(jīng)成為中國(guó)最大的汽車(chē)制造商之一。

Eighth, as for the so-called "forced technology transfer" problem in China, there is no evidence that the Chinese government has a law or regulation that imposes this requirement on foreign-invested enterprises, and there is no enforcement of the transfer of technology on US companies. The great success of the US auto industry in the Chinese market indicates that China-US joint ventures are mainly based on voluntary contractual behavior. General Motor and Ford have exported a large number of automobiles and parts to China through joint ventures, becoming one of the largest automobile manufacturers in China.

第九，“中國(guó)制造2025”產(chǎn)業(yè)政策是特朗普政府攻擊中國(guó)的主要目標(biāo)之一。顯然，他擔(dān)心中國(guó)會(huì)采取所謂“國(guó)家資本主義”政策，通過(guò)國(guó)家補(bǔ)貼提高中國(guó)企業(yè)在高科技產(chǎn)業(yè)的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力。這種指責(zé)是毫無(wú)根據(jù)的，原因是：首先，利用產(chǎn)業(yè)政策升級(jí)中國(guó)企業(yè)技術(shù)是中國(guó)的發(fā)展權(quán)，符合WTO規(guī)則。其次，中國(guó)的政策只是指導(dǎo)性的，不是強(qiáng)制性的。第三，中國(guó)的產(chǎn)業(yè)升級(jí)是必要的，因?yàn)殡S著勞動(dòng)力成本的上升，中國(guó)的勞動(dòng)力競(jìng)爭(zhēng)優(yōu)勢(shì)大多已經(jīng)喪失，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)面臨著巨大困難。此外，美國(guó)自己在農(nóng)業(yè)和制造業(yè)領(lǐng)域存在大量補(bǔ)貼，最近濫用301條款和232條款（以國(guó)家安全為名）就是美國(guó)版國(guó)家保護(hù)主義的一個(gè)例子。

Ninth, the industrial policy “Made in China 2025” is one of the main goals of the Trump administration's attack on China. Obviously, he is worried that China will adopt the so-called “state capitalism” policy and enhance the competitiveness of Chinese enterprises in the high-tech industry through state subsidies. This accusation is unfounded, because of the following factors: the use of industrial policies to upgrade the technology of Chinese enterprises is China's development right and is in line with WTO regulations. Second, China's policies are only guidelines, they're not mandatory. Third, China's industrial upgrade is necessary because, with the rise of labor costs, China's labor competitive advantage is mostly lost, and China's economic growth is facing enormous difficulties. In addition, the United States itself has a large number of subsidies in agriculture and manufacturing. The recent abuse of Section 301 and Section 232 provisions (in name of national security) is an example of the US version of state protectionism.

第十，中國(guó)的貿(mào)易行為沒(méi)有違反WTO規(guī)則。自16年前加入WTO以來(lái)，中國(guó)總的來(lái)說(shuō)遵守了入世議定書(shū)中的所有義務(wù)，這是WTO對(duì)中國(guó)表現(xiàn)的評(píng)價(jià)。作為兩個(gè)貿(mào)易大國(guó)，中國(guó)和美國(guó)都接受兩年一次的貿(mào)易政策審議。在WTO爭(zhēng)端解決機(jī)制裁定中國(guó)政策不符合WTO規(guī)則的案子里，中國(guó)都進(jìn)行了糾正，相反美國(guó)卻很少服從WTO的裁決。

Tenth, China's trade practices have not violated WTO rules. Since China joined the WTO 16 years ago, the country has, generally speaking, complied with all its obligations in its accession protocol. This is the WTO's evaluation of China's performance. As two major trading nations, China and the US have been subject to a biennial trade policy review. And in the cases where the WTO dispute settlement mechanism ruled that China's policy does not conform to WTO rules, China has corrected it; by contrast, the United States obeys WTO judgments far less often.

總之，中國(guó)不想打貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)，希望與美國(guó)發(fā)展穩(wěn)定、互利、公平的貿(mào)易關(guān)系。特朗普發(fā)起有史以來(lái)針對(duì)中國(guó)的最大貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)，對(duì)價(jià)值500億美元中國(guó)出口產(chǎn)品征收關(guān)稅，現(xiàn)在還威脅對(duì)另外2000億美元甚至5000億美元中國(guó)產(chǎn)品征收關(guān)稅。顯然，特朗普的貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)是典型的貿(mào)易欺凌，中國(guó)政府被迫堅(jiān)決反擊。與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)正在加快市場(chǎng)導(dǎo)向的改革，向外國(guó)投資者開(kāi)放市場(chǎng)，以應(yīng)對(duì)貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)的挑戰(zhàn)。中國(guó)已經(jīng)有最大的國(guó)內(nèi)銷(xiāo)售市場(chǎng)，并且正在進(jìn)一步開(kāi)放其市場(chǎng)，如果特朗普政府堅(jiān)持與中國(guó)打貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)，那么美國(guó)有可能把機(jī)會(huì)錯(cuò)失給其他競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手。而且，貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)的升級(jí)讓人回想起上世紀(jì)30年代的歷史悲劇，當(dāng)時(shí)美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)通過(guò)了高關(guān)稅的貿(mào)易保護(hù)法，即1930年斯莫特-霍利關(guān)稅法，結(jié)果導(dǎo)致全球范圍的貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)、貨幣戰(zhàn)，直至爆發(fā)毀滅性的第二次世界大戰(zhàn)。聰明的美國(guó)人民應(yīng)該更加了解這段歷史所產(chǎn)生的后果，反對(duì)貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)政策。

In sum, China does not want to fight a trade war and hopes to develop stable, mutually beneficial, and fair trade relations with the United States. Trump launched the largest trade war in history against China, slapping tariffs on $50 billion worth of Chinese exports, and now threatens to levy tariffs on an additional $200 billion or even $500 billion. Obviously, Trump's trade war is typical trade bullying, and the Chinese government is forced to resolutely fight back. At the same time, China is accelerating market-oriented reforms and opening up the market to foreign investors as a counterbalance to trade war challenges. Given the fact that China is already the largest domestic sales market and is further opening up its market, the US may lose opportunities to other competitors if the Trump administration insists on a trade war with China. Moreover, the escalation of trade war recalls the tragic history of the 1930s, when the US Congress passed the high tariff trade protection law, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930. The result was a world-wide trade war, a currency war, and finally the totally destructive World War II. The wise American people should be more aware of the results of this period of history and oppose the policy of trade war.

作者：王勇，北京大學(xué)教授

（來(lái)源：中美聚焦網(wǎng)，編輯：Helen）